June 12, 2006
Mercer Bullard on The Corporate Governance Industry
Posted by Christine Hurt

I have asked a law professor new to our blog to comment on our paper today.  Mercer Bullard is currently a professor at the University of Mississipi, but has also been an attorney for the SEC and an associate at Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering.  In addition, Prof. Bullard is the founder and CEO of Fund Democracy, a nonprofit organization dedicated to providing information and voice to mutual fund shareholders.  Below are Prof. Bullard's comments to The Corporate Governance Industry.

Professor Rose’s stated goal in his article is to encourage academic interest in and debate about what he calls the “corporate governance industry.”  He should easily achieve this goal, for he successfully demonstrates that this burgeoning business has much to offer students of corporate governance.  In short, Rose reviews two problems in the corporate governance industry -- conflicts of interest and faulty or unsupported governance ratings methodologies -- and provides a preliminary analysis of the potential role of regulators in overseeing this enterprise.  Rose concludes that mandatory disclosure might be appropriate for conflicts of interest, but that regulation of governance ratings methodologies probably would create more problems than it would solve.

There is a rich and recent history of government regulation of corporate governance to which the corporate governance industry can be compared, and the article provides an insightful, although limited introduction to it.  Rose explains, for example, that recent regulation of analysts’ and auditors’ conflicts of interest might not be analogous because of the more transparent nature of corporate governance ratings and the practice of pre-committing to certain proxy vote positions.  His skepticism of mandatory disclosure as a potential form of merit regulation is also on point.  The SEC often brings disclosure cases to indicate disapproval of the activity in which the registrant has engaged.  Two examples that would benefit the article are the SEC’s Deutsche Asset Management case and the Egan-Jones no-action letter.  The SEC sued DeAM for failing to disclose that it received investment and commercial banking business from Hewlett-Packard while voting proxies in favor of the HP-Compaq merger.  The no-action letter effectively requires proxy advisers to disclose their potential conflicts of interest to clients.

The article’s discussion of government regulation could be deepened in other ways as well.  I was left unsatisfied with only a passing reference to the SEC’s practice under Rule 14a-8 as a kind of corporate governance merit regulation.  The SEC’s approach to politically contentious shareholder proposals raises the question of how directly shareholders should affect company policies.  The same issue is central to debates regarding the efficacy of staggered voting, poison pills, and other corporate governance practices.

The article would also benefit from considering other recent events, such as the battle over a proposal to require mutual funds disclose how they vote proxies.  The SEC adopted this proposal on the heels of an intense campaign by labor and investor advocates and equally intense opposition from mutual fund managers, who claimed that disclosing proxy votes would “politicize” the process.  As expected, interest groups have monitored fund managers’ votes and rated their performance.  It is not clear from the article where these groups would fit in the corporate governance industry, or what the role of political criteria should be in corporate governance ratings.  The proxy vote disclosure debate presents interesting parallels to the Rose’s article, especially in light of the SEC’s rejection of calls for mandatory disclosure of conflicts of interest that exist when the fund manager votes shares in companies that also provide pension or investment banking business to the fund manager.  Another version of this debate has been fought for years at the Department of Labor, which has often changed its position on the permissibility of ERISA fiduciaries’ considering non-monetary (politicized?) criteria when voting proxies on behalf of pension plans.  These examples need to be addressed because they illustrate government attempts to understand and regulate investors’ proxy voting preferences.

One would expect the corporate governance industry to compare favorably to regulation.  Critics often complain that government regulation cannot capture investors’ true preferences and that markets provide the most efficient regulatory mechanism.  The corporate governance industry puts this claim to the test by providing a true market for competing theories of optimal firm structure.

What Rose finds, however, is that corporate governance ratings do not satisfy investor preferences because they are not based on corporate governance criteria with a proven correlation to value.  Many criteria are “myths” reflecting the latest corporate governance “fashion,” rather than criteria that have a demonstrated relationship to profits.  Rose suggests that the industry should and eventually will do a better job determining what governance practices actually matter, but does not discuss the possibility that the corporate governance industry is currently giving institutional investors exactly what they want.

If governance ratings do not predict performance, then do they reflect other, possibly unexpressed preferences?  What is the role of myths and fashion, which are themselves a form of expressed preferences, in the institutional investor’s decisionmaking process?  Rose seems to assume that the industry should mitigate the influence of such unexpressed preferences.  The strategy of shaping investors’ preferences rather satisfying them, however, sounds more like a job for the SEC than the marketplace.  The SEC already maintains an electronic database of registrant data.  It could simply require the filing of standardized coding of corporate governance information and provide online analytical tools with which to generate individually customized governance ratings.  To address merit regulation concerns, the identification of the data points that are collected could be based on the presentation of empirical evidence of a correlation between the data point and economic performance.

It is not clear why this approach would not be at least as successful as waiting for the corporate governance industry to catch on, but then the market may know something we do not.  For example, if staggered boards or the separation of the chairman and CEO could not satisfy the empirical evidence test, and that data therefore was not collected by the SEC, would the corporate governance industry still find a market for that information?  I suspect that it would, but am not sure why.  Perhaps we should use this new market for theories of corporate governance to learn more about investors’ actual preferences, rather than second-guessing the market’s opinion of what those preferences are.

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Comments (2)

1. Posted by Christine on June 12, 2006 @ 10:33 | Permalink

I found the issues in the paper fascinating, and I too was intrigued by what damage the CGI industry is doing compared to the status quo without CGI. If the ideal is a marketplace of CGI firms that use metrics perfectly matched to both investor preferences and market-tested performance norms, then is what we have a second-best solution or no solution? Without groups doing the work of CGI, we have scattered investors with differing access to information and analytical tools, as well as differing incentives to collect and analyze information. In steps the CGI firms to reduce the collective action problem, but we suspect that there are some principal-agent problems both in terms of ultimate goals and specific conflicts. But, is this world better than the alternative? And, given that investors have heterogenous expectations, can a CGI firm adequately represent all investors? Perhaps a thousand CGI flowers should bloom (the "Green Metric," the "Market-Tested Metric," the "Investor Power Metrick" etc.)

I think it's interesting to analogize CGI firms both to other organizers of individuals with rights/claims such as unions and plaintiffs' attorneys. Because the individuals have so little power, the organizers have quite a bit, but may have their own agendas. Which world is better? Also, these types of private rankings systems make a nice analogy to USNWR. Do you rail against USNWR as a manager? Do you try to negotiate your ranking? Are the rankings helpful to the investor/consumer as to the underlying fundamentals or just as to the market reaction to the ranking?


2. Posted by Paul Rose on June 12, 2006 @ 11:29 | Permalink

Mercer raises some very interesting points. I appreciate his references to the SEC’s other recent efforts to regulate corporate governance, and I agree that the paper would benefit by a more comprehensive discussion of these efforts. He mentioned that a discussion of the required disclosure of proxy voting policies could inform the paper, and the sad irony is that original thoughts for this paper were generated from my consideration of that debate, and whether the disclosure of those policies resulted in any change to the policies (one of several empirical projects that I have not been able to get off the ground).

There is a very interesting debate in the literature on how much shareholders should be involved in governance. I generally take a similar position as two of my law school professors, Steve Bainbridge http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=808584 and Iman Anabtawi http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=783044, who have both expressed skepticism of efforts to increase shareholder power. The rise of the CGI works hand in hand with the trend of increased shareholder activism, and although I do not want my paper to focus on that debate, I think Mercer is right that more needs to be said on the issue. Much of the increased shareholder activism is enabled by the CGI’s ability to collect votes on a particular issue—in the past, shareholders could not speak with a unified voice; the CGI helps give them this voice. But I wonder whether investors are really thinking about the implications of this power. As I mentioned in response to Larry’s comments, I don’t think that investors think much (or enough) about the recommendations and their implications—many ISS clients, for example, simply allow ISS to vote their proxies for them, without any client review, simply according to ISS’s policies.

Mercer’s other major point is to ask whether the CGI is not simply responding to a market demand—they are giving investors exactly what they want. I do make the point that many of the CGI’s recommendations are based on “myths”, but I do not believe that, in the case of the general fund manager (“social investing” funds excluded), those unexpressed preferences have any design other than profit. I do not think, for example, that funds have an unexpressed preference for more stakeholder-oriented companies, rather than companies that are more narrowly interested in providing long-term shareholder value. They are focused on financial performance, and the corporate governance industry claims to be giving them the tolls to achieve greater profits. On the other hand, I am concerned that the CGI may have more political motives than the funds (despite its efforts to couch it recommendations in terms of financial performance), and I am troubled by the fact that the CGI instead promotes its product as a means of increasing corporate performance, when in fact there is little evidence that the measures they promote do, in fact, promote corporate performance.

Mercer also notes that if the SEC put in place a king of governance coding system that will help identify relevant governance information (will XBRL get us there someday?), there would probably always be a market for someone who can provide context and guidance with respect to the information. If some information is not collected because the SEC finds by its reckoning that it is not relevant to performance, I suppose that some investors will continue to care about it, simply because it says something about the company that may not be related to performance but to other concerns—say, whether the company is a good corporate citizen, regardless of whether this helps the bottom line. Understanding these preferences, he suggests, is a more interesting problem. As Mercer noted (to paraphrase), I think that the market does not do a good job at providing investors with the product they desire, but that I believe they will get better at it as time goes on. Mercer believes that the market may already be giving the investors what they want—the market is reflecting investor preferences already. I am not sure that it is. First, the CGI market is not a very competitive market—it is dominated by ISS, and ISS has not been under much pressure to scrutinize the value of its ratings methodology (although it did undertake a significant review last year, perhaps in response to increased competition from GMI, Glass Lewis and the Corporate Library). ISS’s market dominance leads me to think that any unexpressed preferences are more likely to be ISS’s preferences than investor preferences, since they do not face significant pressure to cater to investors’ needs. However, ISS packages its governance metrics in performance language: the governance metrics, if implemented, will improve financial performance. To me this suggests that if investors are driving the metrics, they want the metrics to lead to increased performance. The problem, however, is that the metrics often do not lead appear to lead to better performance. I do not think we are at the point where we can ask Mercer’s question of why investors want what they want, because it seems that they just want improved performance. I don’t think that most investors recognize the disconnect between many of the CGI recommendations and improved financial performance (often they do not have the time to focus on the issue more deeply, which is why they outsource governance rating in the first place). To read ISS' discussion of its evolving governance methodology, you would think that every metric in their methodology matters to performance, and that ISS has proved this through extensive study. However, when you look at the studies that have been conducted (such as Brown & Caylor’s study, which was commissioned by ISS), you see that only some of the metrics have a connection with performance, and it is unclear whether other factors might explain why those metrics affected performance. That said, I will certainly think about this issue more deeply, because if the CGI is really just responding to investor preferences beyond financial performance, you can’t really fault the CGI—instead, as Mercer suggests, you must consider why investors want what they want, and further, whether they want things that might conflict with each other (e.g., a certain set of socially-conscious but costly governance standards might limit returns).

Thanks to Mercer for his insightful comments.

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