I have been reading lots of empirical work on contracts lately, and I am fascinated by the observation that some contracts are "sticky," meaning that the drafters do not change the contracts, even when they contain suboptimal provisions. My paper on the interpretation of venture capital contracts offers an example from the Benchmark case.
Pierre Azoulay and Scott Shane provide another example in their 2001 paper on exclusive territory provisions in franchising (Entrepreneurs, Contracts, and the Failure of Young Firms, 47 MGMT. SCI. 337 (2001)):
Despite the benefits of exclusive territories, some entrepreneurs fail to adopt this policy. The reason is not that they face higher costs of adoption. Rather, their limited knowledge of contracting leads them to overlook the importance of the franchisor encroachment problem when designing their contracts. Because franchise agreements are sticky, and bounded rationality prevents these entrepreneurs from identifying the payoffs associated with adoption, we often observe nonexclusive arrangements persisting until failure.
Why are contracts sticky? Azoulay and Shane attribute the stickiness of franchise agreements to bounded rationality and transaction costs:
Entrepreneurs will persist with initially selected routines until they fail…. First, entrepreneurs cannot change their routines unless they first recognize that those routines are flawed. This recognition requires an understanding of the cause-effect relationship between organizational design and firm performance, which many entrepreneurs lack. Second, even if an entrepreneur recognizes that a routine is flawed, he or she may be unable to change it. The changing of contract provisions involves incurring significant transaction costs that make the provisions sticky to adjustment.
This is very similar to the explanation that Brayden King and I offer in our soon-to-be-posted paper on the empirical study of contracts:
As an organization creates more and more routines, those routines become increasingly layered and interconnected, such that a change in one routine necessitates changes in other routines in the organization. Considering contracts as a particular type of routine helps us understand why changing contracts or adapting them to specific circumstances can be a very difficult and costly action. If the contract’s form is intertwined with dozens of other organizational processes, then it is conceivable that over time a particular contract form will become increasingly rigid and subject to inertia.
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1. Posted by Ken Adams on February 26, 2007 @ 6:18 | Permalink
Perhaps one needs to distinguish between “stickiness” that derives from the client and “stickiness” that derives from outside counsel. If outside counsel is responsible, it’s probably not due to any rigidity in the drafting process—the notion of rigidity suggests that even if the drafter wanted to implement change, there’d be barriers to doing so. Instead, outside counsel tend to stick with a given form of contract because it’s the easiest thing to do, particularly when deal-volume is high and the bulk of the drafting is done by junior associates.
2. Posted by KipEsquire on February 26, 2007 @ 8:01 | Permalink
Economists have understood this concept for years; it's called "menu costs" -- the notion that a restauranteur may know she can charge higher prices, but won't if the cost of reprinting the menus exceeds the added revenue from the higher prices.
A contrived example, but the premise is omnipresent: change is not costless, and is only optimal if the marginal revenue from change exceeds the marginal cost (i.e., a sort of "Hand test").
Another ubiquitous example: optimal lease length for real estate in the face of uncertainty.
3. Posted by Michael Risch on February 26, 2007 @ 8:20 | Permalink
Another reason is negotiation costs. Many companies will leave contract terms vague or vaguely suboptimal because if they change it then the party on the other side might explicitly require removal, whereas vague claims allow future wiggle room.
I explore something similar in an upcoming article on patent claim drafting.
4. Posted by Peter G. Klein on February 26, 2007 @ 9:57 | Permalink
For empirical evidence on stickiness, I'd also recommend looking at these:
Kyle J. Mayer and Nicholas S. Argyres, "Learning to Contract: Evidence from the Personal Computer Industry" (Organization Science, 2004).
http://orgsci.highwire.org/cgi/content/abstract/15/4/394
Nicholas S. Argyres, Janet Bercovitz, Kyle J. Mayer, "Complementarity and Evolution of Contractual Provisions: An Empirical Study of IT Services Contracts" (Organization Science, 2007).
http://orgsci.journal.informs.org/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/3
5. Posted by Gordon Smith on February 26, 2007 @ 10:28 | Permalink
Thanks all around for the good comments. Kip, I had not seen the term "menu costs," but that is a memorable metaphor. Peter, thanks for the links. I already had the first paper, but I hadn't seen the second.
6. Posted by Anon Corp Lawyer on February 26, 2007 @ 12:39 | Permalink
I suspect much of this is unintentional and stems from the failure of lawyers to stay up to date with the law. I have seen this firsthand where corporate partners at major law firms don't stay on top of Delaware decisions (which is no doubt difficult when you have to tend to paying clients) and don't realize that their forms need to be updated (same thing happens frequently for bylaws and charters). Still speaking anecdotally, I believe this is less prevalent in niche areas like venture capital (most VC agreements that I see now account for Benchmark, Avatex, etc.) and more likely to occur with corporate "generalists" (e.g., in stock purchase agreements).
7. Posted by Mike on February 27, 2007 @ 6:40 | Permalink
As a lawyer principally doing complicated contract-drafting (and a former student of professor G.'s contracts section), here's my take:
1) Clients frequently don't want new contracts. They want one in which they can fill in the business terms and run. This is an attempt to lower transaction costs all around (if for no other reason, it means avoiding retraining the business people and foregoing a lawyer at the early stages). Therefore, those contracts tend to be of two flavors depending on the other side: lopsided with highly favorable terms (think things like EULAs or other client strong negotiating position) or suboptimal and unlikely to draw much objection/negotiation (level playing field business relationships). The latter is probably what this article describes.
2) Clients don't like how expensive it is to have a lawyer be like a secretary. Whether there's actual truth to that idea is debatable, but that's certainly how some feel. Nevertheless, making every provision optimal is expensive. Even making most provisions optimal is expensive. Things get more expensive if it forces negotiation.
3) Most clients don't ever exercise the optimal contract provisions unless things go really badly. Now your example, "exclusive" v. "non-exclusive" seems like bad business/lawyering. However a number of suboptimal provisions remain because clients simply don't care and they see the 1 in 100 chance of exercising most provisions as negligible cost of doing business anyway.
4) Lawyers don't like to draft contracts.
8. Posted by Jeremy Telman on February 27, 2007 @ 9:22 | Permalink
In The Sun Printing and Publishing Ass'n v. Remington Paper and Power Co., Cardozo refused to enforce an agreement for the sale of paper because the contract was missing key terms. I have a very precise (but perhaps inaccurate) recollection of my contracts professor telling us that the contract at issue was a standard form contract used in the paper industry at the time. Apparently some legal scholars had looked into the matter and discovered that, despite Cardozo's ruling, the industry persisted in relying on the same form contract in subsequent transactions. Any further details escape me now, but I should be very glad to be reminded of them if anyone has more ready familiarity with the case and with the scholarship at issue.
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