February 29, 2008
Efficiency, distribution, and politics
Posted by Brett McDonnell

Corporate law scholars overwhelmingly posit efficiency as the measure of the effectiveness of legal rules when doing normative analysis.  They almost never defend this choice; it goes without question.  Yet, is efficiency really all that matters in setting the rules of corporate law?

Law and economics scholars have a standard argument, due to Kaplow and Shavell, for focusing only on efficiency in setting all sorts of legal rules.  This double distortion argument contends that setting legal rules at their efficient level and then achieving whatever level of redistribution is desired through tax and transfer policies will distort behavior from the efficient level less than if we try to achieve distributive goals in part through legal rules.

Chris Sanchirico and Richard Markovits have already pointed out a number of problems with this argument.  The objection that intrigues me most questions the political feasibility of the Kaplow and Shavell approach. 

For a variety of reasons, pursuing distributive goals through legal rules, including corporate law rules, may be more politically possible than just using tax law to redistribute.  That may be because widely held values or beliefs concerning fairness focus on particular legal rules.  Or, different rulemakers may have more power over some legal rules than over tax policy, and may be inclined to redistribute more than those with control over tax.

Moreover, some legal rules may importantly shape the future distribution of political power.  Setting those rules in a way that creates a more egalitarian system may be crucial to the future feasibility of more egalitarian tax policy.  Some corporate law rules may be important in shaping political power, so this consideration may well be worth pondering in the area of corporate law.

One area where we might care about the distributive consequences of corporate law rules is executive compensation.  I think that distributive concerns largely drive the politics of protests over high executive compensation.  Even corporate law scholars who criticize compensation practices typically distance themselves from that sort of plebeian politics.  I think the plebes are right.

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Comments (5)

1. Posted by sdfsdf on March 1, 2008 @ 8:48 | Permalink

The reason that it's easier to get redistributive policies passed in areas of law like corporate law is that people don't understand corporate law. When you try to pass redistributive policies in areas of policy that people understand---like tax policies---they meet with more resistance.


2. Posted by Brett McDonnell on March 1, 2008 @ 8:58 | Permalink

Do you really think tax law is easier to understand than corporate law? At anything other than the most general level, that is almost certainly wrong (I strongly suspect a survey of random 2Ls would confirm that). At a very general level maybe there's something to it, but even there I wonder, for instance, how many people really get the difference between a flat tax and a graduated income tax.


3. Posted by M. Hodak on March 2, 2008 @ 19:53 | Permalink

Brett, I admit that I'm not familiar with the critiques of Kaplow and Shavell that you mentioned. But with respect to executive compensation, it would be mathematically impossible to reach a Pareto-optimal solution to the question "how much should an executive be paid" if you added a global wealth redistribution criteria.

Firm economics already dictate three difficult trade offs in executive compensation--management retention, mgmt/shareowner alignment, and shareholder cost. Adding a fourth consideration completely divorced from firm economics would make the board's position untenable. In analytical terms, there is no objective function that could, even in theory, satisfy all four constraints, unless the government created some sort of formula that would fix the price of executive contracts. I could hardly imagine how distorting that would be to both our economy and politics.

BTW - I'm not sure I read the first comment right. I certainly read it different than Brett. I think he was saying that we could get away with more social engineering via corporate law than tax law because so few people would understand the implications in corporate law. I agree with that, for the same reason that one would go along with that tack for "feasibility" reasons. But just because something is possible doesn't make it desirable.


4. Posted by BDG on March 3, 2008 @ 9:24 | Permalink

Brett, I thought these were great arguments. I still haven't seen a good rebuttal -- have you?

You might also consider the possibility that the costs of administering redistributive rules might vary across systems. For example, along the lines of Kaplow's rules/standards analysis, if you can acheive similar amounts and accuracy of redistribution in a system that requires only a few transactions, rather than one that has thousands, you should pick the one with the small number of transactions.

I suspect this guideline would lead us to prefer redistribution outside of tax, but possibly that would be at some cost in accuracy, since much of the reason tax has so many rules is to achieve precision. As Kaplow & Shavell point out, unless we're in a strictly welfarist framework, it's hard to think about how we compare different cost/accuracy of fairness tradeoffs.

So, in short, there's still lots of interesting questions to ask in this area. Your next post, maybe?


5. Posted by Brett McDonnell on March 3, 2008 @ 12:55 | Permalink

BDG: Thanks for the comment. I won't be able to address it in the next post, in part because my visiting time here is up, but I will eventually be addressing this in one or more paper, so much more to say in the future.

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