You may remember this story from last spring….
On a crisp Saturday
morning in the spring of 2009, a somber group of citizens from the Connecticut towns
of Bridgeport and Hartford boarded a tour bus.
The tour route did not pass through the lovely Hollywood Hills homes of
Oscar-winning actors perched high above the sprawling city of Los Angeles, nor
did the tour route pass through Manhattan’s historic and affluent upper east
side to visit the brownstone where Carrie Bradshaw lived or the cupcake shop
that she visited in a popular television series titled “Sex in the City.” Upon
having loaded its passengers, the bus, flanked by national and international
media – more journalists in fact than tour participants – took the road to
Fairfield County, Connecticut to tour the homes of executives who work for the
American International Group, Inc., a mammoth international insurance company
with significant financial services operations in more than 130 countries. The
bus tour group, organized by Connecticut Working Families, a coalition of
community organizations, labor unions and neighborhood activists that lobby to
impact issues important to working and middle class families, considered
themselves emissaries of a nation frustrated by an economic crisis. As
anticipation of a confrontation between the tour participants and the
executives and their families grew, AIG executives like David Poling, recipient
of a $6.4 million award, began renouncing their bonuses and enhancing their
home security devices.
Sharpen your pitch
forks and light the torches. Bonus distributions to executives at bailed-out
firms made Americans mad. Moreover, the discovery of the role of credit
defaults swaps in the crisis has fueled the rage. Justifiable national
frustration suggests that federal rules may soon override state court precedent
and legislation that protect directors from liability or at least big bonuses
will be more closely watched and possibly denied by the exec comp czar. Possibly. Mark Roe has persuasively argued that the
real competition in corporate law is not among the states but between the
federal government and Delaware. An interpretation of fiduciary
duty that excuses corporate management’s failed efforts to oversee enterprise
risk management may offer further evidence to support Roe’s theory.
We have seen a flurry
of activity to introduce federal oversight of executive compensation packages
for companies that are recipients of the federal dole.
(See David Zarig's post here.) In her November 1st blog on Jones
v. Harris (here), Michelle Harner offered interesting insight into
the issues of interestedness and independence in the context of fee structures.
I see an easy application of these arguments in the context of executive
compensation and parallels in arguments about effective enterprise risk
management.
The consequences of a
systemically significant institution’s failure to execute risk management
policies with care reverberate through many constituencies. Ever increasing
numbers of Americans own a broader array of stocks, even if only through mutual
funds or retirement funds. In the absence of action on the part of the Delaware
legislature or courts, the federal government might easily commandeer the regulatory
stage.Federal preemption in
the area of executive compensation may pave the road for preemption in other
areas of governance, such as risk management. The poster child for this
proposition: AIG. My prediction that we may see federal intervention into
corporate governance on risk management is based on the brewing national debate
on independence and interestedness.
The audit committee and
independence standards and other corporate governance reforms adopted as part of SOX
offer examples of ghosts from Christmases past. But additional intervention is
appearing on the horizons. Congressional proposals for
corporate-last-wills-in-testament, a requirements that companies
explain in advance their policy for dealing with potential insolvency, present
another example of the Feds pending foray into the corporate governance sphere. This
funeral legislation, as it has been described, requires firms to state how they
would unwind their businesses and gives the Treasury authority over initiating
the unwinding of certain systemically significant institutions. Even lower federal
courts seem to “want in” on the movement for a broader interpretation of
directors’ fiduciary duties, as illustrated by Judge Rakoff’s rejection of the SEC v. Bank of America/ Merrill Lynch
settlement negotiation. With all of the frustration we are left to wonder about
future interpretations of directors fiduciary duties.
Corporate Governance, Corporate Law, Delaware, Disney, Fiduciary Law, Financial Crisis | Bookmark
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